President Barack Hussein Obama 1/20/09: Inaugural Address

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents. So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."

America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

Brilliant speechcraft, a truly heartfelt speech. Inspiring and Historic. And you start to understand how the man truly thinks. His thoughts are complex and he is a seeker of truth and peace. He recognizes the false choices and calls us to rise above our childishness.

He continues to inspire me....

January 19, 2009
Obama Celebrates Holiday With Service
By BRIAN KNOWLTON



WASHINGTON — Barack Obama rolled up his sleeves on Monday and helped out at a homeless center, devoting much of his last full day as president-elect to paying tribute to Martin Luther King Jr. and to the spirit of volunteerism and public service he said Mr. King represented.
Mr. Obama began the day visiting wounded troops at Walter Reed Army Medical Center, his second homage to the military in two days, after a somber visit Sunday to Arlington National Cemetery. Mr. Obama was accompanied at Walter Reed by Martin Luther King III.

Monday is the federal holiday commemorating the birth of Martin Luther King Jr., the civil rights icon, who for some people foreshadowed the ascendance of someone like Obama with his “I Have a Dream” speech delivered in 1963 from the Lincoln Memorial.

“Today, we celebrate the life of a preacher who, more than forty-five years ago, stood on our national mall in the shadow of Lincoln and shared his dream for our nation,” Obama said in a statement. “His was a vision that all Americans might share the freedom to make of our lives what we will; that our children might climb higher than we would.

“Dr. Martin Luther King’s was a life lived in loving service to others. As we honor that legacy, it’s not a day just to pause and reflect — it’s a day to act.” He called on ordinary Americans to take part Monday in public service projects across the country and then to make “an ongoing commitment to enriching the lives of others in their communities, their cities and their country.”

It was a call to service not unlike that issued by another young American leader, President John F. Kennedy, though perhaps with added resonance because of Obama’s experience as a community organizer working with the jobless and needy on the South Side of Chicago.

In late morning, Obama arrived at the Sasha Bruce House, said to be the only emergency shelter for homeless teens in Washington. Television showed him doffing his overcoat and rolling up the sleeves of his white shirt — which he wore tieless, and with an open collar — before helping paint a wall shades of blue, using a roller with an extension handle. He chatted easily with the young people, and at one point appeared to bend over to tie a shoe.

The house, situated about 10 blocks northeast of the Capitol Building, seeks to provide homeless teens with a sense of comfort and community; residents stay in furnished apartments, and the center trains them in cooking, cleaning and computer use, and counsels them in finding work and medical help, with an emphasis on cultivating self-reliance.

Separately, Michelle Obama and Vice president-elect Joseph Biden Jr. arrived, amid considerable excitement, to take part in other service projects.

On Tuesday, as the inauguration and inaugural parade occupy much of the heart of the day, workers will be moving the Bushes out of the White House and the Obamas in within a six-hour period.

President George W. Bush, during his last full day in office, spoke by phone to several world leaders. The White House said that he chatted with the leaders of Russia, Georgia, France, Germany, Italy, Denmark, South Korea, Israel, Brazil, Japan and Britain. He also spoke to Vicente Fox, the former Mexican president. It was not clear whether he would make other calls.
A White House spokesman, Gordon Johndroe, said that the president had thanked the leaders for their cooperation and hospitality over the years.

Obama visits the Roberts Supreme Court

from www.nytimes.com

January 18, 2009
Two Stars, Meeting Across a Bible
By LINDA GREENHOUSE



WASHINGTON — A few pairings stand out in the history of chief justices swearing in presidents.
Roger B. Taney swore in Abraham Lincoln four years after writing the Supreme Court’s opinion in the Dred Scott case, the pro-slavery ruling that Lincoln denounced and that inflamed the passions that were leading to civil war.



William H. Rehnquist swore in Bill Clinton for a second term a week after the Supreme Court heard arguments on whether Paula Jones could pursue her sexual harassment suit against the president. (“Good luck,” Chief Justice Rehnquist murmured audibly. Is it fanciful to suppose that he had to bite his tongue to keep from adding, “You’ll need it”?)



Chief Justice Rehnquist also swore in George W. Bush — six weeks after the court’s decision in Bush v. Gore effectively handed Mr. Bush the presidency.



When Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. administers the oath on Tuesday to Barack Obama, the fleeting personal intersection between these two late-baby-boom superstars may not appear equally fraught. But there will be electricity in the encounter nonetheless.



For a start, Mr. Obama was one of 22 Democratic senators to vote against the confirmation of Judge Roberts to the Supreme Court in 2005. In his remarks at the time, Senator Obama said his decision had not been an easy one. Judge Roberts had a stellar record and ample qualifications, he said. But the nominee’s “overarching political philosophy” troubled him, Mr. Obama continued, adding, “It is my personal estimation that he has far more often used his formidable skills on behalf of the strong in opposition to the weak.”



Tough words, but that is not where the real drama on the inaugural platform lies. After all, Chief Justice Roberts had the last laugh in that first encounter, and at 53 can look forward to a tenure that could easily far outlast the Obama presidency.



What is most striking about the two men who will meet at arm’s length, the Lincoln Bible between them, is the difference in the paths that brought them to this moment. In this tableau, they represent two faces of a generation that grew to adulthood after Vietnam, after the fantasies and tragedies of the 1960s, after the civil rights marches were over, when the cities were still smoldering but no longer burning.



Those who set out on their adult journeys in the 1980s, as both John Roberts and Barack Obama did, inherited an ambiguous legacy that required them to assign their own meaning to the unfulfilled promises of the era that faded with their adolescence.



Their early years had little in common: John Roberts was raised in suburban Indiana and sent to a small Catholic boys’ boarding school that was started five years earlier by Chicago and Indiana businessmen much like his own father, a steel company executive; Barack Obama, fatherless, struggled to construct a personal identity at a famous school in Hawaii founded in 1841 to educate the children of white missionaries and where no one looked quite like him.



Still, their intelligence and drive took these two, from such different beginnings, to the same place, Harvard Law School. They did not overlap there, but their shared experience was one of achievement and recognition: both were named to the law review, where John Roberts served as managing editor and Barack Obama was elected president, and both graduated magna cum laude.



Having gone directly from college to law school, John Roberts continued on what could be seen as the conventional path to success in the law: a clerkship for an esteemed federal appeals court judge, Henry J. Friendly; followed by a Supreme Court clerkship for William Rehnquist, then an associate justice; followed by responsible staff positions in the Justice Department and White House counsel’s office as well as partnership in a large law firm. For the government and private clients, he argued 39 Supreme Court cases and was considered by both justices and competitors to be one of the very best.



Doing well in all the right places — a huge achievement but in some ways a career path without risk to a sense of identity — offered great rewards and appears to have left him with few doubts about how the world works, or should work, if his legal writings are the measure. “The way to stop discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race,” was his uncomplicated explanation in a 2007 opinion on why Louisville and Seattle could not constitutionally use student assignments to keep their public schools from resegregating after finally having achieved a measure of integration.



Mr. Obama’s path, more circuitous, led him to spend five years between college and law school working as a community organizer, and to return to community development work, along with part-time law teaching, after he left Harvard and before he finally migrated to electoral politics. It was an unconventional path full of risk, driven in no small part by the search for “a workable meaning for his life,” as “Dreams From My Father,” the memoir he published at 34, describes his journey.



With the economic wreckage of the last year, with major law firms shrinking or disappearing and business institutions that once seemed destined to last forever lying in ruins, a number of the old conventional paths can no longer be considered particularly safe for talented young graduates. An unconventional path, on the other hand, might offer something of a template for those half a generation behind the chief justice and the president-elect: a new Democratic member of Congress from Virginia, Tom Perriello, 34, a Yale Law School graduate, spent a career in community service before going into politics and winning improbably against a longtime Republican incumbent. In a recent interview, he described himself and a growing number of young politicians with similar biographies as “the service generation.”



Inaugurations are about the future, not the past, of course, and after they leave the inaugural platform, John Roberts and Barack Obama will be very much entwined with each other’s future. The Obama administration has some immediate decisions to make about cases pending in or on their way to the Supreme Court, and the court itself has hardly been reticent in recent years about speaking back to both Congress and the president. And Chief Justice Roberts must know that Mr. Obama’s choices to fill any Supreme Court vacancies in the next four years are most unlikely to bolster the fragile conservative majority that the chief justice can most often — although not always — call upon. For Chief Justice Roberts, the current alignment may be as good as it gets for the foreseeable future.



Perhaps the chief justice and the new president can wish each other good luck, until their paths cross again. When the two met Wednesday in the Supreme Court’s west conference room at Chief Justice Roberts’s invitation, they were dwarfed by a huge portrait of Chief Justice William Howard Taft — the only president ever to become a Supreme Court justice.






Even if President-elect Obama were to serve two terms, he would be only 55 when he left the White House. Is it completely implausible to suppose that the Roberts Court lies in this one-time constitutional law teacher’s future in more ways than one?


Linda Greenhouse, former Supreme Court correspondent for The Times, is a senior fellow at Yale Law School and author of “Becoming Justice Blackmun.”